The Power of Suggestion
To understand how people amplify biologically insignificant phenomena into criteria that can destroy lives it is helpful to consider the Thomas Theorem (1928): “If men define situations as real, they are real in their consequences.” This means that, purely through the power of suggestion, people often transform insignificant physiological differences into monumental social pathologies.
People are extraordinarily susceptible to suggestion. When it comes from an authoritative source the mere suggestion that right-minded citizens should perceive Others as despicable sub-humans can often put entire nations under the thrall of a misanthropic trance.
Othering enemies during wartime is a very common practice. Doing so creates a semi-hypnotic environment in which slaughtering enemy-Others carries no moral penalties. Quite the reverse. During wartime, murdering Others is usually considered cause for celebration. Bizarrely, those who refuse to murder enemy-Others during wartime are often treated like criminals (Brock, 2006). When wars end and political leaders officially rescind wartime hostilities right-minded citizens obediently—and with remarkably little cognitive dissonance—resume a frame of mind in which they perceive wartime enemy-Others as Real Men. After D-Day heroes murdered Germans. After VE Day only murderers murdered Germans.
Thus, if we insist that “skin pigment matters,” then in spite of its utter insignificance as a physiological trait, we can construct treacherously unfair social inequalities purely on the basis of suggestion (Griffin, 1961). Jane Elliott’s blue eye-brown eye schoolroom exercise (Peters, 1987) offers an illuminating example of the Thomas Theorem in action.
In 1968, Jane Elliott asked her third grade students to accept, on her word alone, that eye pigment was a valid basis upon which to assess human merit. Since all of her third-graders were white kids from the American heartland Elliott could not create a palpable environment of racism among her students on the basis of skin pigment. Instead, purely via the power of suggestion, Elliott created an environment of eye pigment racism in her classroom. She did so for the following reasons:
One can’t fully understand racism unless one has personally felt its sting.
Elliott’s eye pigment exercise demonstrated that the American obsession with dermal pigment is irrational.
It makes as much sense to discriminate on the basis of eye pigment as it does to discriminate on the basis of skin pigment.
Elliot demonstrated that eye pigment racism is remediable.
Once they had experienced racist scorn Elliott’s students were only too happy to destroy the eye pigment racism that they and their teacher had constructed.
If eye pigment racism is remediable, then so is skin pigment racism.
On day one of her 1968 exercise, Elliott created a suggestion-induced environment of eye pigment racism by declaring that her brown-eyed students were inferior to blue-eyed kids. On day two Elliot reversed the eye pigment racism in her classroom by negatively stigmatizing blue-eyed kids. Note that, as with every other form of racism, the eye pigment racism that Elliot constructed in her classroom was predicated on two mutually interdependent misapprehensions: that individuals were (1) biologically distinguishable and (2) deemed either superior or inferior with respect to a socially significant, but biologically insignificant physiological trait. In this case, eye pigment.
No sooner had Elliott instituted an environment of eye pigment inequality in her classroom than she began to witness alarming forms of racial intolerance erupt among her students. Purely in response to Elliott’s invented eye pigment hierarchy, a formerly homogeneous group of kids became acrimoniously polarized. By the way, this is a further illustration of the minutia that can instigate Durkheimian deviance-driven prejudice. Insignificant as eye color may have been prior to the exercise, the moment that Elliott planted the seed of eye pigment prejudice in her students’ minds, Elliot’s students became eye-pigment racists. Kids with the wrong eye color weren’t only singled out for being different, their more privileged peers treated kids with the wrong eye color as reprehensible inferiors. Thus, Elliot's exercise provides an important confirmation of the argument that pigment-based racism—including both eye and skin pigment—is largely a product of suggestion.
Introducing even a modicum of suggestion-induced inequality, admittedly at the behest of a classroom’s paramount authority figure, can transform previously sweet little kids into monsters. The students upon whom Elliot conferred a new form of eye pigment superiority seemed to relish the opportunity to sadistically attack their formerly co-equal classmates.
Philip Zimbardo (2007) experienced a similar turn of events in his infamous prison experiment. Zimbardo set up a simulated prison environment in the basement of the Stanford’s psychology building in order to achieve the following,
We wanted to see what the psychological effects were of becoming a prisoner or prison guard. To do this, we decided to set up a simulated prison and then carefully note the effects of this institution on the behavior of all those within its walls (Zimbardo, 1999).
Even though Zimbardo and the participants in his experiment fully understood that they were taking part in a simulation, as soon as the experiment got underway, all of the participants (including Zimbardo!) began to treat the simulated prison and the invented dominance hierarchies therein—superior guards and inferior prisoners—as if they were real. Of particular interest for this discussion was the fact that even in Zimbardo’s simulated environment, socially-constructed inequalities inspired those in power to sadistically abuse the powerless.
Though randomly selected for their roles in the simulation, the prison guards in Zimbardo’s experiment behaved like sadistic overlords. The guards treated their fellow Stanford students as if they were contemptible deviants. For their part, the prisoners behaved like the members of a socially despised underclass—in much the same way as the kids who were arbitrarily designated as having the “wrong eye color” in Elliot’s schoolroom exercise. Interestingly, Albert Einstein also noted a curious willingness on the part of the oppressed to be complicit in their own oppression:
It seems to be a universal fact that minorities, especially when their Individuals are recognizable because of physical differences, are treated by majorities among whom they live as an inferior class. The tragic part of such a fate, however, lies not only in the automatically realized disadvantage suffered by these minorities in economic and social relations, but also in the fact that those who meet such treatment themselves for the most part acquiesce in the prejudiced estimate because of the suggestive influence of the majority, and come to regard people like themselves as inferior (Albert Einstein as quoted by Jerome and Taylor, 2005, p. 137).
The purpose of this digression is to illustrate how susceptible people are to suggestion, and how easy it is, as Milgram (2004) also discovered in his Obedience experiments, for mild-mannered gentlefolk to become heartless sadists. Even though Elliot’s and Zimbardo’s students knew perfectly well that they were taking part in simulations, their attitudes and behaviors changed dramatically—and not for the better—in response to the artificial inequalities that their teachers invented.
Not only does each study offer a textbook example of the Thomas Theorem at work, but Elliot’s and Zimbardo’s simulations also emphasize the poisonously corrupting influences of socially-constructed dominance hierarchies. The only differences between the privileged and oppressed participants in Elliot’s and Zimbardo’s studies were those that each teacher invented. Yet, the privileged participants in each study, under the tutelage and authority of their teachers, wielded those imagined differences like lethal weapons. Each respective dominance hierarchy not only conferred an overblown sense of superiority on privileged research subjects, but it also motivated privileged subjects to torment inferior Others.
The fact that the powerful have a propensity to sadistically denigrate the powerless helps explain why there are often such intense hostilities between competing ethnic groups. Viewing Others as qualitatively inferior has inspired genocide more than once. As pointed out earlier, this is true even in situations where the perceptible differences between competing ethnic groups are vanishingly inconsequential (Toal and Dahlman, 2011). As illustrated by Elliot’s and Zimbardo’s studies, even simulated dominance hierarchies can serve as a pretext to profoundly malign and oppress Others.
Given how horrific and ubiquitous ethnic discord can be, people have often concluded that racism is incurable. However, it is significant that at the conclusion of their respective studies both Elliot and Zimbardo destroyed the sadism-inducing dominance hierarchies that they and their students had constructed. When Elliott told her students that they should no longer discriminate on the basis of eye pigment, Elliott’s students instantly jettisoned the eye-pigment racism that they had colluded in creating. Zimbardo achieved a similar result at the conclusion of his prison simulation. When he terminated the study, Zimbardo also dissolved the sadistic dominance hierarchy that had erupted between privileged guards and inferior prisoners.
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