The Farce of Race
As in the tale about the clueless emperor (Anderson, et al., 1986), for centuries people have been duped into believing that humans are all clothed in non-existent racial costumes. Our ignorance has made naked fools of us all.
Before the advent of modern science people were extremely superstitious (Bailey, 2007). For the gullible, witches, warlocks, goblins and ghouls seemed every bit as real as the animals in the forest. In such a superstitious world it was easy to believe that indigenous peoples were as inhuman as bogeymen (Lindemann, 2013). To Europeans in the age of discovery, the denizens of foreign lands were in some ways even more peculiar than the monsters that stalked their nightmares. At least vampires had the good sense and breeding to be members of the nobility. The modern concept of race was born in this cesspool of superstitious ignorance.
Victorian-era Europeans had an unhealthy superiority complex (Noble, et al., 2014, p. 586). Europeans literally believed they were a higher order of being than the uncivilized rabble that their explorers encountered. Civilization was a pejorative. To be civilized implied that one was biologically superior to the uncivilized riffraff whose lives Thomas Hobbes (Hobbes and Gaskin, 1998) famously derided as “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short.”
Victorian Europeans believed they were a cut above and they translated their revulsion for Others into prejudicial racial classification systems (Beasley, 2010). Schemes for denigrating Others on the basis of race usually operate on the following false assumptions:
1. Race is a biological certainty.
a. Arbitrary racial designations delineated stark biological distinctions between civilized Europeans and uncivilized barbarians.
b. Biology is unalterable. Individuals are defined by race from birth until death. Once a barbarian, always a barbarian.
2. We are better than Them.
a. Defectives must not be permitted to sully the gene pool: either by having too many defective kids or (heaven forbid!) by breeding with their superiors.
b. It is humane, or even courageous to cull defective sub-humans from the gene pool.
For superstitious Europeans, racial classifications that denigrated Others made perfect sense. After all, the world was chock full of semi-human creatures—such as witches, werewolves and vampires—who personified evil and who therefore posed a dire threat to civilized humans (Bailey, 2013). Racial classifications were simply an extension of noxious European superstitions: non-Europeans were semi-human creatures who, though they may not have been vampires per se, nonetheless posed a dire threat to European blood (Kiernan, 2007).
Besides superiority, racism also connotes the idea of immutability, thought once to reside in the blood and now in the genes. Racists are concerned about intermarriage (“the purity of the blood”) lest it erode the basis of their race’s superiority (Wade, 2014, p.17).
Modern science has eradicated the majority of such preposterous superstitions. Few rational adults still cling to sincere beliefs in goblins, ghouls and vampires. Unfortunately, people have been more reluctant to forgo their racist superstitions. This is in spite of the fact that scientists have resoundingly debunked the notion that race is a real, hierarchical biological phenomenon. Craig Venter, one of the principal scientists credited with mapping the human genome, has stated conclusively, “The concept of race has no genetic or scientific basis” (Krimsky and Sloan, 2011, p. 25).
In addition to Venter’s repudiation of race, the American Anthropological Association has also dismissed race as a destructive myth:
Racial beliefs constitute myths about the diversity in the human species and about the abilities and behavior of people homogenized into “racial” categories. The myths fused behavior and physical features together in the public mind, impeding our comprehension of both biological variations and cultural behavior, implying that both are genetically determined. Racial myths bear no relationship to the reality of human capabilities or behavior. Scientists today find that reliance on such folk beliefs about human differences in research has led to countless errors (http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm).
So, there you have it. As far as responsible scientists are concerned race is naught but a destructive pre-scientific myth. And yet, as emphatic as the scientific repudiation of race has been, people tenaciously cling to irrational race biases. Why?
Although the AAA’s disavowal of race was unequivocal, other scientific organizations have sent mixed messages about the concept of race. For example, the American Sociological Association concurs with the AAA about the scientific problems associated with race:
Some scholarly and civic leaders have proposed that the government stop collecting data on race altogether. Respected voices from the fields of human molecular biology and physical anthropology (supported by research from the Human Genome Project) assert that the concept of race has no validity in their respective fields. Growing numbers of humanist scholars, social anthropologists, and political commentators have joined the chorus in urging the nation to rid itself of the concept of race (American Sociological Association, 2003).
But instead of joining colleagues who have abandoned race the ASA advocates the continued use of race. Why? Because, the ASA claims that, regardless of the human costs of preserving the concept, they simply can’t get along without it.
When a concept is central to societal organization, examining how, when, and why people in that society use the concept is vital to understanding the organization and consequences of social relationships (American Sociological Association, 2003).
The ASA would be better served to join the AAA in disavowing the concept of race and replacing it with ethnicity; an eminently sociological concept that does not suffer from the logical and ethical problems that plague the concept of race.
In addition to being confused by mixed messages from social scientists, the public has often been chary of scientific pronouncements that deny the existence of seemingly self-evident facts: people believe that race is real because, day in and day out, they see race in every person they encounter. Africans, Asians, Europeans, Polynesians, Inuits, and many other identifiable ethnic groups exhibit biological traits that are discernible to the human eye and, crucially, are biologically heritable. Why would scientists dispute the existence of anything that seems so self-evidently real?
The best way to answer that question is by referring to one of the most famous controversies in the history of science: the trial of Galileo (Mayer, 2012). Galileo is widely revered as one of the greatest scientists in history. However, Galileo's genius almost led to his execution at the hands of the Roman Inquisition. His crime: Galileo expressed support for heliocentrism. In Galileo’s day, people believed that the universe revolved around the earth. Anyone who disputed geocentrism was begging for trouble from the Catholic Church and Galileo landed in mighty big trouble (Finocchiaro, 2010).
Why did people believe so passionately in geocentrism? Because of the facts that paraded before their very eyes.
People have always been surrounded by evidence that appears to conclusively support geocentrism. For those who stand on its surface the earth seems stationary. Also, every object in the heavens appears to revolve obediently around the earth. The evidence is overwhelming. If the earth stands still while the heavens revolve around it, then the earth must lie at the center of the universe. Right? Geocentrism was perfectly obvious and, yet, it was also dead wrong.
Science has revealed that appearances are often deceiving. That is true for geocentrism and it is also true for race.
Race Is Everywhere and Nowhere
In 1995, one of the authors had an illuminating experience during a vacation in Bali. While out for a walk on Kuta Beach, TM and his wife, SF, sat down at a bar and ordered a couple of Bali Hai beers. Their bartender was a jocular Balinese man who, as a hobby, kept an informal tally of the many countries from whence his customers hailed. Happy to play along, SF and TM volunteered that they were from the USA. The bartender chuckled and replied, “No, that's not what I mean.” Then he pointed at SF and said, “You are from Germany,” and shifting his gaze to TM, he added, “You are from England.”
SF and TM were both taken aback. The bartender had blithely brushed aside their gossamer ethnicities and correctly divined the nationalities of their immigrant ancestors. That was quite a party trick. Either the bartender had made a couple of lucky guesses—which seemed unlikely because he went on to divine the ancestral nationalities of every other customer within earshot—or the bartender was somehow interpreting “racial” information that was graven into his customers’ physiognomies.
The latter thought was troubling. For starters, TM was not enamored of the idea that he sported ethnic regalia that lumped him in with misfits like the British royal family. Of greater concern was the possibility that race might be a more legitimate demographic phenomena than, at least of late, respectable scientists had been willing to concede.
What people generally perceive as race are patterns of biological traits that occur with varying frequencies in different populations. Let’s be clear from the outset, however: self-aggrandizing Europeans are, and always have been, dead wrong. Europeans are not superior to the people that they have bad-mouthed (Huggan and Law, 2009). People in every corner of the globe are members of one remarkably homogeneous species, Homo sapiens. No matter where they hail from none of those people are genetically better or worse than any others. If some claim otherwise, then it’s because they are ignorant, prejudiced dolts: “...just because they breathe we hate the filthy bums.”
Patterns of cosmetic physiological commonalities, such as those detected by SF’s and TM's Balinese bartender, are real. As with all evolution-driven genetic diversity Homo sapiens developed cosmetic physiological differences—such as, patterned variations in skin pigment, hair texture, ear, eye and nose shape—after modern humans emerged from Africa and spread hither and yon around the planet (Haviland, 2011). Species that become geographically isolated from ancestral populations often evolve into new species, but that process usually takes millions of years and it is predicated upon reproductive isolation (Quammen, 1996). As long as species continue interbreeding they remain united.
There is widespread agreement that anatomically modern Homo sapiens emerged in Africa approximately 200,000 years ago. All living humans are descended from and remain anatomically identical to their African forbears (Crow, 2002). For people who have grown used to the warp-speed, digitized fantasy that is the Information Society biological evolution proceeds with almost inconceivable slowness. While biologists measure genetic evolution in multi-million year epochs, cultural evolution transpires at a much brisker pace (McGettigan, 2013). More on that later.
When humans first ventured away from their African homeland farewell meant forever. The people who hunted and gathered from one horizon to the next did not look back. The people they left behind, for the most part, stayed behind. Time passed and the millennia left their mark on humanity. The further people strayed from their African homeland the more they changed—due to both natural and sexual selection (Campbell, 2006). That is why thousands of years after going our separate ways inquiring minds, such as a certain Balinese bartender, can espy the subtle gravings of evolution on their globe-trotting clientèle.
But it takes a practiced eye, or a clever parlor trick, to discern Germanic from Anglo-Saxon spouses. There are several reasons for this. One is that Germans and Brits are blissfully happy to form pair bonds. As humans trot the globe and form pair bonds Homo sapiens neutralizes the effects of reproductive isolation that, a few million years hence, might have led to speciation (Lahr, 1996). The biological term for this is reticulation:
Among humans, reticulation occurs when there is interbreeding within the species—mating among individuals from different geographical populations. The result of such genetic mixing of previously isolated groups—due to migrations, invasions and colonization—is that no clear boundaries can be drawn around the variety of humans, no “races” of us (Sapp, 2012).
As with any species that evolves into geographically based races, there is usually continuity between neighboring races because of the gene exchange between them. Because there is no clear dividing line, there are no distinct races—that is the nature of variation within a species (Wade, 2014, p. 92, emphasis added).
The millennia during which human sub-groups have been geographically isolated has been far too brief and far too disrupted by reticulation for significant genetic distinctions to arise (Lieberman, 2013).
What people generally perceive as race are distinctive patterns of allele frequency. Gregor Mendel was the first to discover that genes can either be dominant or recessive: brown eyes are dominant and blue eyes are recessive (Yannuzzi, 2004). Variable alleles are the reason that humans can all share the same genome and still be individually idiosyncratic. Thanks to sexual reproduction every individual is made up of a unique combination of dominant and recessive alleles.
Unique as we may each be humans also share undeniable similarities with our larger genetic family. In the broadest possible strokes humans are all a bunch of naked apes (Regal, 2004). Vive la similarité! Patterns of superficial distinction emerge among sub-groups that interbreed with greater regularity. In the preindustrial era people did not travel much. Intrepid explorers like Marco Polo were very much the exception. After a few thousand years of interbreeding in the same zip code the distinctive allele frequencies that people identify as races cropped up.
Racial categories are contentious for a number of reasons. For millennia, people have used superficial racial distinctions to justify the slaughter of millions (Weitz, 2003). If anyone wonders why scientists are keen to annihilate the concept of race, that’s perhaps the most important reason. Race is not only fraught with ill-will, but it also lacks logical coherence.
Most people believe they know precisely where races begin and end; who belongs to a particular racial group and who doesn’t. The truth is that, genetically-speaking, race is an irretrievably vague concept. Races do not have clear-cut biological boundaries because sub-groups of modern Homo sapiens have never been isolated long enough for genetic boundaries to solidify (Cavalli-Sforza, et al., 1994).
The strongest argument against treating the races of men as separate species, in Darwin’s view, “is that they graduate into each other, independently in many cases, as far as we can judge, of their having intercrossed.” This graduation is so extensive that people trying to enumerate the number of human races were all over the map in their estimates, which ranged from 1 to 63, Darwin noted (Wade, 2014, p. 23)
The human animal being what it is, neighbors have always been keen to reticulate—whether through marriage or conquest—with their neighbors. The people who live at the outer edges of separate continents tend to look strikingly dissimilar: Nordics look different than sub-Saharan Africans and Inuits look different than indigenous Australians. If, however, we examine all of the people who reside in the regions that fall between Sweden and Swaziland or Beijing and Barcelona, we discover that gene pool reticulation has moderated stark differences into extremely fine shadings of difference from one neighboring group to the next (Cohen, 2011). Because of these vanishing degrees of reticulated distinction debate has raged about precisely how many races actually exist: are Brits and Germans members of different races? What about Greeks and Turks? Serbs and Croats? Some have proposed that there are zero races (Corcos, 1997), while others have contended that the number of races runs to infinity (Firmin, 2000). It is only by imposing arbitrary criteria—take, for example, the Third Reich’s difficulties identifying Jews (Browning and Matthäus, 2004) or the USA's conundrum of specifying race in a melting pot (Brumfield and Botelho, 2015; Nobles, 2000)—that we can create the illusion of chasmic genetic differences where, in fact, no such chasms exist.
In the preindustrial era, humans in the most distant corners of the globe remained reproductively isolated long enough to evolve cosmetically-distinguishing traits: the Irish look different than Fijians. Humans subsequently pulled a feat of evolutionary jiu jitsu by embarking on industrial-scale global journeys. Via modern travel Homo sapiens has transformed the globe into a vast genetically-reticulated melting pot. Day by day, humans form new international connections—matrimonial, adoptive, business, casual, etc.—that aggressively counteract the evolutionary effects of reproductive isolation.
Because of this reticulation-driven trend, racial boundaries that were never more than blurry transitional zones have become ever blurrier. Even where racial distinctions appear the most extreme, this is usually in situations where culture amplifies the appearance of ethnocentric disconnect (Kleg, 1993), race has never been anything more than cosmetic variations on a common theme. Race is akin to printing books with different-colored covers. The rainbow colors may be eye-catching, but they are irrelevant to the content. Humans are like good books. It’s what’s inside that counts.
Some have argued that recent genetic mutations, such as high-altitude adaptations among Tibetans (Stinson, et al., 2012), suggest that racial divides are more cavernous and rapidly-evolved than previously imagined. Certainly, high-altitude adaptations among Tibetans speak volumes about the plasticity of the human genome. Like darkened dermal pigment among equatorial peoples and the heat-preserving physiology of the Inuit, special high-altitude adaptations among Tibetans are a product of evolutionary selection pressures. No serious scientist would claim that humans or any other life forms are free from the influences of evolution. What is at issue is whether sub-populations of Homo sapiens have developed genetic attributes that render them qualitatively distinct from, and more or less meritorious than their fellow humans.
As generations of Himalayan mountaineers have learned (Neale, 2002), Sherpas and native Tibetans have an enhanced ability to surmount the world's tallest peaks. So, in the realm of high-alpine mountaineering, is it possible to say that Tibetans and Sherpas are superior to non-Tibetan mountaineers? The answer is both yes and no.
Sherpas and Tibetans are better acclimated to high altitude exertions than low-landers. That has enabled some Sherpas and Tibetans to perform mountaineering feats that beggar belief (Tenzing and Tenzing, 2001). Most people would count themselves lucky if they were able surmount Mount Everest even once in a lifetime, but some Sherpas have ascended Everest more than twenty times (Nehring, 2013). Nonetheless, the question of ranking the relative merits of different mountaineers remains highly subjective. If we measure superiority in terms of how quickly or how often mountaineers can summit Mount Everest, then Sherpas and Tibetans are likely to win the prize every time. If, however, we measure mountaineering accomplishments in terms of the special challenges that one must overcome to summit Everest, then children (Blanc and Romero, 2010), or the elderly (Evans, 2013), or the disabled (AFP, 2013) who conquer Everest might deserve the prize for the greatest mountaineering achievements.
The truth is that anyone who climbs Mount Everest has achieved something special. Whom we decide has performed the greatest accomplishment says more about our subjective biases than it does about the mountaineers and the exceptional feats that they have performed.
This brings us back to the discussion of excellence. We believe it is possible to develop valid measures of excellence, but not on the basis of race. Race-based discussions of merit accomplish nothing save to foment racism. We want no part of that. Our definition of excellence is linked to human agency. Agency is a special form of status quo-challenging ingenuity that humans alone possess. In the pursuit of excellence we acknowledge that biology matters. Sherpas and Tibetans have in-bred mountaineering talents that exceed the abilities of most other humans. But not all Sherpas and Tibetans want to be mountaineers. We would hazard that the majority of Tibetans and Sherpas share the same aspirations as the rest of humanity: food, shelter, security, success, and to love and be loved.
In all of those endeavors we believe that biology is a starting point. People who are seven feet tall are, by nature, probably pretty good shot-blockers. But not all seven-footers want to play basketball. Some prefer to write poetry.
Depending on what they are trying to accomplish some people are advantaged by their biology and others are disadvantaged. Someone who is seven feet tall, but whose lifelong dream has been to jockey a horse in the Kentucky Derby might feel biologically cheated. Being born with unhelpful biological attributes is not fair, but life isn’t always fair. On the upside, agents aren’t wholly determined by their biology. We argue that biology is just a starting point. It’s what agents choose to do after they have been dealt their biological cards, whether advantageous or disadvantageous, that is the true measure of human merit.
Excellence is a product of the record-breaking achievements toward which agents aspire. Some have a tougher climb than others, but we argue that everyone has the potential to achieve some form of excellence. Precisely what sort of excellence an individual decides to pursue is not determined by race. It is a product of individual initiative. Champions are not born, they are made.
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