Scientific Racism
Just as genes determine that butterflies will, of necessity, pursue a different lifestyle than harbor seals, the nature-dominant perspective also asserts that genes endow humans with attributes that dictate their success or failure (Wade, 2014). Herrnstein and Murray (1994) argue that human intelligence, as measured by IQ tests, is a genetically-fixed attribute. Thus, Herrnstein and Murray contend that the most exceptional geniuses will be those with the highest IQs. This means, however, that geniuses will not derive their exceptional intellectual talents from hard work and diligent study. Exceptional intellectual talent is purely an outcome of being endowed with a greater-than-average dose of genius genes. In a society wherein merit is increasingly determined by intellectual acuity Herrnstein and Murray fret that diminishing numbers of high-IQ achievers will be saddled with the responsibility of managing the affairs of burgeoning hordes of low-IQ incompetents. Because Herrnstein and Murray believe that intelligence is determined by genetics they insist that social programs, such as Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty, will never succeed in reducing poverty. Social programs, Herrnstein and Murray contend, are not capable of remedying the biological curse of bad genes.
People who are born with inferior genes—a disproportionate number of whom, Herrnstein and Murray disingenuously lament, are people of color—will remain stuck with their genetic defects in perpetuity. Worse, Herrnstein and Murray argue that, by providing aid and comfort to darkly-pigmented incompetents, social programs will exacerbate social problems by enabling genetic dead-enders to propagate large broods of inferior offspring. As a remedy, Herrnstein and Murray advocate curtailing social relief for the dark, ignorant masses and reallocating those resources to lightly-pigmented high-IQ achievers. Unlike their inept contemporaries white brainiacs can put social largesse to good use (see especially Chase 1977).
The Color of Victory
John Entine (2007) has advanced a similar argument about race-based competencies in the realm of sport. Entine contends that the politics of race have made it taboo (Entine, 2000) to discuss what he believes is transparently obvious: the dark-skinned are better athletes. In strict accordance with the nature-dominant perspective, Entine argues that varying levels of sporting prowess are purely a function of race-based genetics. Just as Herrnstein and Murray argue that genius comes more easily to light-skinned intellectuals, Entine argues that athletic prowess is an in-bred characteristic of dark-skinned athletes.
As an aside, we wonder how Entine would explain lily-white anomalies such as the Winter Olympics, the NHL, NASCAR, the X Games, golf, equestrian competitions, etc. We suspect that the athletes in white-dominated sports would take umbrage to the insinuation that their performances are nothing more than embarrassing displays of sporting incompetence. There are without question striking disparities in the ethnic make-up of the athletes who tend to dominate different sports. However, there are at least as many sports that are dominated by pigment-deficient as pigment-rich athletes. Entine craftily supports his contention that darkly-pigmented athletes are superior to lightly-pigmented athletes by selectively highlighting examples that support his claim while ignoring those that don’t.
The truth is that avenues to participation in one sport or another are more a consequence of social access than ill-defined genetic disparities. In the US, poor kids play basketball because they have more access to hoops than polo horses. By contrast, Kenyan runners are amazing athletes, but until the next ice age sets in they’ll be more likely to medal in the Summer than the Winter Olympics. Athletes excel in the sports to which they have access.
Casting aside the countervailing evidence of numerous white-dominated sports, Entine insists that dark skin pigment is the primary determinant of athletic success. For example, Entine discounts the benefits of performance training by claiming that Carl Lewis trained no more than eight hours per week in the months preceding the 1988 Seoul Olympics (Entine, 2000, p. 4). For Carl Lewis, being black endowed him, Entine is convinced, with a greater chance of success than any amount of training that his pigment-deficient opponents might have undergone. Entine asserts that it was Lewis’ blackness, in and of itself, that propelled him far beyond the talents of his competitors. Darker skin pigment also equipped Lewis with the necessary ability to match Jessie Owens’ quadruple gold medal performance in the 1936 Berlin Olympics. Being black, Entine insists, enabled Lewis and Owens to run circles around opponents who were, alas, too pigment-deficient to measure up.
We will soon illustrate that such neo-eugenicist (Murray, 2012; Wade, 2014) perspectives are profoundly misguided. Nonetheless, we are willing to concede that Entine, Herrnstein, Murray, Wade, and other neo-eugenicists of their ilk are correct about one thing: intelligence, athletic prowess, and other traits are distributed unequally throughout the human population. Some people exhibit outstanding physical and intellectual talent, while the great majority of humanity regresses closer to the mean. What is less obvious is the degree to which genetics, much less skin pigmentation, unilaterally determines the outcome of human achievement. Even more concerning are Entine’s and Herrnstein and Murray’s attempts to resuscitate a particularly noxious brand of 19th century pseudoscience (aka, eugenics) as a fin-de-siècle scientific breakthrough.
Eugenics Revisited
Entine (2000; 2007), Herrnstein and Murray (1994), and Wade (2014) are not the first to suggest that different racial groups are endowed with varyingly meritorious genetic qualities. Far from it. The pseudoscience of racial differentiation, which is often referred to as the eugenics movement (Rosen, 2004) was all the rage in the 19th century. In certain unenlightened circles eugenics remained popular well into the twentieth century (Gillette, 2007; Lombardo, 2011). Adolph Hitler ultimately became the most infamous advocate of eugenics; rabidly extolling the superiority of Aryans while deploring the inferiority of Jews. It is easy to understand why, subsequent to WWII, the scientific community would have resoundingly rejected eugenics. Rather than good science, Hitler’s antics exposed eugenics as nothing more than a gloss for virulent racism.
While neo-eugenicists such as, Entine, Wade, and Herrnstein and Murray, lament the passing of what they characterize as serious scientific considerations of race-based merit, the majority of scientists view the situation differently. Biologists have largely rejected race as a meaningless biological category (Graves, 2004) much less as a legitimate basis upon which to rank, celebrate or deplore differing human groups (Gould, 1996). Due to ethnocentric and racist prejudice many people are falsely convinced that racial categories are more clearly defined than, in reality, they either are or can be (Unander, 2000).
As it is generally understood race is intended to describe identifiable patterns of intraspecies biological variation. Like all sexually-reproduced species Homo sapiens exhibits a range of physiological variation. However, no matter how we delineate racial groups, their members tend to exhibit more within-group than between-group variation (Diamond, 1997). Following decades of intensive analysis geneticists have not been able to distinguish anything approaching stark biological boundaries between human sub-groups. If anything, patterns of variation highlight commonalities far more than disparities in Homo sapiens' shared genetic heritage.
The genetic variation seen outside Africa is generally a subset of the variation within Africa, a pattern that would be produced if the migrants from Africa were limited in number and carried just part of African genetic variability with them (Olson, et al., 2005).
Geneticists have never been able to identify even a single “race gene” (Sforza, et al., 1994). The minimal cosmetic variation that humans exhibit is roughly equivalent to the morphological variation that Gregor Mendel (Mawer, 2006) observed among his garden peas: variable expression of a singular allele complex. Like all sexually-reproduced life forms humans exhibit a variety of cosmetic differences, but, like peas in a pod, we are all made of essentially the same stuff.
This is worth re-emphasizing because this fact more than any other illustrates that racial categories are more a product of racist wishful thinking than substantive biological distinctions. To reiterate, the people who are lumped into different racial groups generally exhibit more biological commonalities with people in other racial groups than they do with the other members of the so-called racial groups into which they have been shoe-horned (Little and Kennedy, 2010, p., 216).
Many Americans are convinced that the black vs. white races are as genetically dissimilar as two groups of humans can possibly be (Jacobs, 2011). However, the distinctions between white and black America represent little more than racist hate-mongering (Thernstrom, 1997). Given the long, albeit controversial, tradition of gene pool reticulation in the American melting pot (Hodes, 1999), if any definitive racial boundaries ever existed in the USA, then they have been naught but a product of ethnocentrically-distorted imaginations. America may remain a nation divided (Hattery and Smith, 2012), but from the moment of its founding America’s gene pool—whether voluntarily or, in too many cases, involuntarily (Smith, 2004)—has been unequivocally united.
The overwhelming anthropological evidence demonstrates that all modern humans trace their heritage to the emergence of anatomically-modern Homo sapiens in Africa approximately 200,000 years ago (Ash and Robinson, 2011). All modern humans were born in the same African cradle. Evolutionarily-speaking, so little time has elapsed since anatomically-modern Homo sapiens emerged that there has been no significant subsequent biological evolution in the species. To reiterate, all living humans are biologically identical to the modern humans that emerged in Africa some 200,000 years ago (Willoughby, 2007). Though humans have arguably experienced more change during their brief existence than any other single species on earth, those changes have been due to revolutionary advances in culture (McGettigan, 2013) rather than evolutionary transformations in the human genome (Pagel, 2012).
The superficial cosmetic differences—such as patterns of skin pigmentation, hair texture, and the shape of eyes, noses, and lips—upon which humans have hung inordinately weighty ethnocentric baggage emerged as varied patterns of allele expression when Africa’s naked ape migrated out of Africa (Avise and Ayala, 2010). Cosmetic variations in skin pigmentation emerged largely as a result of localized natural and sexual selection pressures. Because there has been so much confusion and disinformation propagated about this issue it is important to emphasize that, just like Gregor Mendel’s peas, minuscule variations in human morphology are a product of dominant vs. recessive allele expression rather than fundamental biological disparities, i.e. different genes.
Humans with pigment-deficient allele expression are more likely to survive in regions where there is less danger of overexposure to intense solar radiation and where bodily vitamin D production is at a premium. Depending upon proximity to the equator, widely dispersed human groups developed variations in skin tones (Smith, 2011). The key distinction in this regard is that pigment-deficient humans are endowed with allele combinations that elevate skin pigment only when exposing skin to direct sunshine, whereas pigment-rich humans are endowed with allele combinations that consistently maintain higher levels of dermal pigment (Hall, 2013).
Inconsequential as such distinctions may be, as a result of ignorance and ethnocentrism, humans have amplified the most insignificant variations in allele expression—ear, eye and nose shape, skin tone and hair texture—into overblown sociological pathologies (Adams, 2008). Misunderstood as the biological foundations of race may be the sociological consequences of such malevolent delusions have, in both the past and present, generated tsunamis of catastrophic injury for billions upon billions of people (Jones, 2006). And nowhere is the destructive ignorance upon which racial antipathies are perpetuated more prominently displayed, and more counter-productively reinforced, than in the US Census.
Rationalizing the Irrational
One easy way to understand the misapplication of the term, race, is to examine the US decennial Census. Some of the best illustrations of the social construction of race come from analyzing census categories over time. For example, the 1860 census included three racial categories: white, negro, and mulatto.
In 1865, immediately following the Civil War, the US performed a special census. In that census, those who identified as negro or mulatto were asked to confirm their racial identity. In part, the purpose of this special census was to offer negroes a chance to return to Africa. Never mind the fact that only a small percentage of negroes had ever visited Africa or considered Africa their home. Then as now, the vast majority of African Americans had been born in the US. After the 1865 census, the category of mulatto disappeared in both terminology and sentiment until 2000. In the 2000 census, for the first time since the mid-1800s, individuals could choose to self-identify as belonging to more than one race. To be clear, there is no racial category that is specifically identified as mixed, or multiracial, but in 2000 census respondents could choose to self-identify as having affiliations to one or more racial groups. As a result, about 13% of the US population now self-identifies as multiracial.
The 2000 census was also important because the Census relocated the designation, Hispanic, from its set of racial categories into a special designation of “ethnicity.” By the way, this decision by the Census illustrates that race is a social construction which is eminently modifiable at the whim of those who are empowered to shape public opinion.
Curiously, Hispanic is the one and only type of ethnicity that is officially included in the US Census. The reader may well ask: Why? In response, we can only speculate. Since the racial designations that the US Census employs are utterly illogical, it would be wishful thinking to hope that the Census had sound scientific reasons for re-designating Hispanics as the USA’s one and only ethnic group.
In the realm of sport, players like Sammy Sosa and Albert Pujols would have racially identified as Hispanic in the 1990 census. However, beginning in 2000, the same men would have had to choose a different racial identity: black, white, Asian/Pacific islander, or native American/Alaskan native. According to the US Census, in spite of how Hispanics may have constructed their own identities, Sosa and Pujols could no longer racially identify as Hispanic. Though they were physiologically unchanged from one census to the next and the presumably invariant biological traits that we generally perceive as racial markers—skin tone, hair texture, ear, eye and nose shape—would have remained unchanged, their official racial identity underwent a significant transformation (Hattery and Smith, 2011).
If that is not evidence that racial categories are nothing more than an illogical figment of deluded social imaginations, then we don’t know what is (Lopez 2000). Not surprisingly, in 2000 the majority of Hispanics declined to answer the Census question regarding their racial identity.
Presumably, the purpose of the US Census is to count real demographic phenomena, such as the total number of US citizens, their ages, educational attainment, occupation, etc. By perennially including race as a demographic characteristic of interest, the Census has conferred undue legitimacy on an otherwise invalid demographic artifact (Rodriguez, 2000). Sadly, the Census is following the American Sociological Association's lead in perpetuating the misuse of a destructive and unscientific concept.
As the leading voice for 13,000 academic and practicing sociologists, the ASA takes the position that calls to end the collection of data using racial categories are ill advised, although racial categories do not necessarily reflect biological or genetic categories. The failure to gather data on this socially significant category would preserve the status quo and hamper progress toward understanding and addressing inequalities in primary social institutions. The ASA statement highlights significant research findings on the role and consequences of race relations in social institutions such as schools, labor markets, neighborhoods, and health care scholarship that would not have been possible without data on racial categories (American Sociological Association, 2003).
The ASA's unwillingness to problematize the concept of race, which the ASA acknowledges is irretrievably flawed, represents but the latest in a long, shameful history of pseudoscientific apologies for the racist status quo. Fortunately, not all scientific organizations are as content to perpetuate racist ignorance as the American Sociological Association. As noted above, the American Anthropological Association has developed the kind of scientifically-rational position that will help to ameliorate rather than exacerbate the ill effects of race and racism. We encourage social scientists who value scientific scruples to support a professional organization, the American Anthropological Association, which does likewise.
Race has always been a socially-significant phenomenon: from time immemorial, humans have cast their eyes upon unfamiliar Others and emitted a collective, “Yuck!” The racial categories into which people have been arbitrarily lumped has often meant the difference between privilege and annihilation (Weitz, 2003). One of the most appalling hypocrisies in the history of politics took place when the patriarchs of US democracy categorized pigment-rich Africans as sub-humans under the aegis of the Three-Fifths Compromise (Hattery and Smith, 2008). Apparently, democracy was for Real Men, not Others. Others, including pigment-rich indigenous peoples, African slaves, Hispanics, Asians and people of mixed race (Zinn, 2003) were subject to indiscriminate and often horrific injustice in the name of democracy.
In a bungling effort to disavow centuries of racist abuse the US Census has attempted to update its mistreatment of race. Yet, with each renewed effort, the Census has only succeeded in making increasingly extravagant displays of its ignorance (Goodman, et al, 2012). After only a cursory glance at Figure 1 it is evident that, as recently as 2010, the US Census lacked anything approaching a coherent definition of race.
Figure 4.1: 2010 US Census “Racial” Self-Identification Options
(U.S. Census Bureau, 2009)
If race is indeed a biological phenomenon, then the Census has an obligation to separate its measures of race from questions concerning ethnic identity, which is a composite of socio-cultural factors. However, as Question 6 illustrates, the Census does not even make a token effort to distinguish between race and ethnicity. Instead the Census treats race and ethnicity as if they were interchangeable concepts, which represents a grievous error in demographic judgment. Doing so also perpetuates the destructive myth that race is a more substantive demographic phenomenon than it truly is.
Conflating race and ethnicity is a problem because, as discussed earlier, perceptions and ideation have zero impact on biology. Biological facts presumably operate independently of an individual’s hopes, dreams, aspirations and any other form of self-perception. In other words, what people think has no impact on the structure of their DNA. Ethnicity, on the other hand, is eminently modifiable: people can change their name, citizenship, clothing, technology, food preferences, religion and spoken language. For example, during WWII, Werner Von Braun was a model Nazi rocket scientist, but, after WWII, under the aegis of Operation Paperclip (Jacobsen, 2014), Von Braun became a model American rocket scientist. People can modify their ethnicity, but they can't change their DNA.
No doubt Oscar Pistorius dreamed more than once of having fully-formed legs. However, no matter how many prayers he may have uttered to the heavens, Pistorius’ wishes could not alter the biological reality of his physical disability. Thus, if the Census is going to measure race, then it should do so by identifying biological rather than social or ethnic bases upon which to distinguish one race from another because race and ethnicity are two different things. In the absence of such biologically-specific measures the Census should stop pretending that it can measure a biological phenomenon, race, with social variables.
Persistently conflating race with ethnicity is bad science. It’s like searching for the Loch Ness Monster in your neighbor's fish tank. Ill-conceived fishing expeditions of this sort tend to obstruct rather than advance science.
As Figure 4.1 illustrates, by embracing the concept of multiracial identity in 2010, the Census attempted to move beyond artificially and insultingly restrictive racial categorizations. However, in doing so, the 2010 Census further transformed its measure of race into a disorganized, illogical hodge-podge. Question 6 uncritically presents respondents with the opportunity to select black or white as distinct racial categories when they are nothing of the sort. If the Census can definitively distinguish between white and black Americans, then it should share its racial divining rod with geneticists who have been singularly unsuccessful in doing so (Zachos and Habel, 2011, p. 103-104). Presumably, the Census assumes that because the black-white racial divide is so deeply ingrained in the American psyche it just “makes sense” to include both categories without definition, explanation or qualification. Apart from catering to irrational race bias the Census’ unilateral distinction between black and white makes no demographic sense whatsoever.
Ever since Europeans began forcibly shipping Africans to the Americas, whites and blacks have engaged in procreation (Lemire, 2002). The ease with which white and black Americans have reticulated has exacerbated ethnic tensions throughout US history. While white male sexual aggression has largely been ignored (Gaspar and Hine, 1996, p. 158), the mere rumor of indiscretion on the part of black males has often inflamed the worst excesses of vigilante injustice (Berg, 2011).
There is no doubt that richly and lightly-pigmented people have been sexually co-mingling since their arrival in the New World (Pascoe, 2009). As such, whatever modest genetic distinctions may once have existed have since been reticulatively blurred. From the genetic perspective there is no such thing as white and black America. Genetically-speaking, America is a melting pot that is devoid of stark biological distinctions.
Still, the social reality in the US is such that the children of lightly and darkly-pigmented parents tend to be viewed, on the basis of social convention, as entirely falling into the racial category of their richly-pigmented parent. When it comes to racist ignorance there are no half-measures. The children of ethnically-diverse parents may be blessed with a genetic heritage that effortlessly crosses pigment lines, but those children will nonetheless be perceived as flunking out of the white racial category. The USA’s white supremacist mindset dictates that the privilege of membership in the white racial category implies that not a single drop of non-white blood (Malcomson, 2000) may corrupt one’s genetic profile. That said, Question 6 of the 2010 Census does permit respondents to select multiple categories of racial identification, however, the Census continues to reify age-old non sequiturs concerning the biological foundations of “definitive” pigment-based racial categories.
Another factor complicating America's bizarrely inconsistent pigment-bias is, “Who qualifies as black?” (Brumfield and Botelho, 2015). There are many Native Americans, Asian Indians, North Africans, Arabs and Pacific islanders who have darker dermal pigment than many “black” Americans, but who are not considered black—at least not in the USA (Wu, 2010, p. 586).
The logical problems with Question 6 don’t stop there. In some cases, Question 6 correlates race with skin pigmentation, but in other cases, the Census asks respondents to identify their race in terms of anachronistic racial epithets (e.g. negro—why not honky, gringo, or cracker as sub-categories for white?). In still other cases, the Census correlates racial identifiers with geography and/or nationality.
The latter choice is particularly perplexing. In the USA, if someone were to respond “American” when asked to identify their race, we would assume that the respondent had gone daft. The same is true in China. Although the US Census may be content to lump all people of Chinese ancestry into a single monolithic “racial” category—which, by the way, is equivalent to ignorantly proclaiming that “all Chinese look the same”—the Chinese government officially recognizes no less than fifty-six distinct ethnic categories in mainland China (Kwan and Sodowsky, 1997).
Try as it might to develop a more sophisticated treatment of race the US Census has done little more than perpetuate uniquely American ignorance (Lehman, 2009). If there is a lesson to be learned it is that race is an irretrievably irrational demographic concept. In spite of any poor advice that it might be receiving from the American Sociological Association, the US Census should discontinue all future use of the term. Responsible social scientists should embrace the American Anthropological Association’s more rational treatment of race and take all necessary steps to destroy the myth of race here and now. Full stop.
Ethnicity, on the other hand, is real. Ethnicity is comprised of discrete, measurable, empirical social phenomena—many of which the Census already integrates into its bastardized measures of race. In sum, the Census should terminate all future use of the concept, race, for two reasons:
Intellectual dishonesty
In Question 6, the Census claims that it is going to collect information about race and then proceeds to collect information about ethnicity.
This is a problem because scientists who care about truth should not say one thing and then do another.
The Census’ conflation of ethnicity and race perpetuates the misperception that race is a real and measurable demographic phenomenon.
Ethnicity is a sociological fact (e.g., language, customs, food, clothing, tools, etc.)
Race is a destructive biological fiction (Dawkins, 2004, p. 399).
In the next chapter we will explain, with the help of important sociological theories, why misperceptions of race have repeatedly inspired atrocities over largely imagined differences.
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