Race as Deviance
Given humanity’s tendency to continuously stir the genetic stew from whence we derive any significant differences between human groups are going to be more sociological than biological in nature. Two sociological theorists, Emile Durkheim and W. I. Thomas, provide particularly valuable insights into the sociological processes that transform minimal biological diversity into profound social inequities.
In addition to being credited as the founder of modern sociology Emile Durkheim remains one of the most influential social theorists in the world. Durkheim’s conceptual treatment of deviance (1938, 1951) is of particular relevance to the present discussion. Deviance refers to behavior that is at variance with or that deviates from whatever the majority population perceives as normal. For example, ancient Romans considered it normal to attend lethal gladiatorial exhibitions (Dunkle, 2008). In the contemporary USA we frown upon lethal spectator sports, although we avidly consume virtual violence that is every bit as gruesome as gladiatorial combat (Nagle, 2009).
Durkheim argued that every society relies upon the concept of deviance as a form of social glue (Franzese, 2009, p. 35). Via the concept of deviance humans routinely establish prejudicial boundaries that delineate in-groups from out-groups (Stark and Bainbridge, 1996). The majority population singles out deviants by reference to socially-significant evaluation criteria, such as: criminal transgressions, abnormal attire, language, religious rituals, sexuality, hair style, bodily ornamentation, food consumption, etc. In addition, the majority population tends to make value judgments that create unpleasant consequences for those it labels as deviants. Take, for example, convicted criminals who may have paid their debt to society, but who retain the sticky label of deviant criminality (Becker, 1971).
While deviance is often associated with criminality, the concept also has much wider applicability. North America’s pigment-deficient majority has constructed potent in- and out-group deviance stigmas based on skin pigmentation (Hattery and Smith, 2012). Since pigment-deprived Americans have traditionally viewed darker dermal pigmentation as a particularly noxious brand of deviance, the majority population has constructed profoundly white supremacist prejudices that have, over the centuries, become deeply ingrained in American society.
Throughout US history richly-pigmented people, and males in particular, have been perceived as criminally deviant for no greater offense than “being black in public” (Hattery and Smith, 2012; Yancy and Jones, 2012). Even today, white supremacists take umbrage at richly-pigmented peoples for committing the unpardonable sin of drawing breath.
We are the Ku Klux Klan. We hate niggers, we hate Jews, we hate faggots, and we hate spics. We don’t have to have reason to hate them, just because they breathe we hate the filthy bums (Brummel, 1998, Emphasis added).
America’s obsession with white supremacy also explains the grossly disproportionate rates of incarceration for African Americans (Hattery and a, 2010) and unprovoked shootings by police officers (Hintzen and Rahier, 2014). Blacks are often treated like dangerous deviants simply for being who they are. Indeed, a Florida police department recently drew criticism for using mug shots of black men as targets on its firing range (Alter, 2015). The implication is obvious: men with brown faces are perceived as dangerous deviants who deserve to be shot on sight. In a culture that is predicated on such poisonously unfair pigment biases it requires almost super-human effort for African Americans to avoid unjust incarceration (Smith and Hattery 2010a) or being murdered outright for the capital crime of being people of color in a white supremacist society.
Nor, as is becoming abundantly clear, is it necessary for the criteria that distinguish out-group deviants from in-group normals to be of towering significance. In ascetic communities, members sometimes define deviance as experiencing “impure thoughts,” such as profanely enjoying sacramental spirits. To outsiders such forms of deviance are laughable. However, among the devout members of ascetic communities profane self-indulgence can represent the epitome of moral depravity (Stark and Bainbridge, 1996).
The more similar that members of a community happen to be the more fine-grained their operative definitions of deviance tend to become. This is counterintuitive. One might expect that as members of a social group become more physically and behaviorally uniform their obsession with deviance would attenuate. What basis is there to fret about deviance if everyone looks, sounds, and acts the same?
Because, Durkheim argues, perceptions of deviance are so essential for social cohesion, in even the most uniform groups people will obsess about deviance. Indeed, as noted above, the more similar that people are the more preoccupied they will become about even the most trivial differences. Take, for example, when servicemen line up for military inspections; the slightest imperfections in dress and comportment can have serious consequences. This also explains why, even though biologists have concluded that race is illusory, people remain convinced that racial differences are both real and important.
Wade (2014) rejects the scientific contention that race is not a biologically real phenomenon. He insists that scientists must be wrong because his common sense insists that race is real.
From biologists’ obfuscations on the subject of race, sociologists have incorrectly inferred that there is no biological basis for race, confirming their preference for regarding race as just a social construct. How did the academic world contrive to reach a position on race so far removed from reality and commonsense observation (Wade, 2014, p. 68, emphasis added)?
Of course, Wade is committing the very same error as those who insist that the earth is flat (Garwood, 2008), or the universe is geocentric (Sungenis and Bennett, 2007), or that God does not play dice with quantum particles (Stone, 2013). Upsetting as it may be science has revealed time and again that the universe often operates in ways that defy common sense expectations. That is true with quantum particles (Kumar, 2012) and it is also true with race. In spite of what Wade may think he sees, exhaustive scientific research on the human genome has determined that race is as mythical as unicorns. Fortunately for Wade, he is at liberty to express devotion to any crackpot beliefs that he wishes. However, Wade and other devotees of common sense-based myths will, like the members of the Flat Earth Society, only look more foolish the longer they cling to antiquated misperceptions.
Wade is convinced that race exists not because science has established an unequivocal biological foundation for race, but because his “deviance radar” tells him that race exists.
This gives a three-way split in the human population that corresponds robustly to the three racial groups that everyone can identify at a glance, those of Africans, East Asians, and Caucasians (Wade, 2014, p. 93, emphasis added).
Deviance radar can be understood as the highly-attuned sensibility that humans develop for the purposes of discerning vanishingly fine-grained evidence of “distinguishable deviance” among their fellow humans. As discussed above, as globally-dispersed species go humans are incredibly uniform. When confronted with striking physiological uniformity, rather than disregarding nominal differences, humans tend to set their deviance radars to an even finer degree of scrutiny.
The problem with this process is that, as uniformity increases, human deviance radars assign progressively higher degrees of importance to less and less significant markers of distinction. That may be well and good for ascetic communities and military parades, but it quickly becomes problematic when societies begin sanctioning their members for contemplating impure thoughts (Greenwald, 2014; Orwell, 2003). The problem with deviance radar systems is that their settings are often more fine-grained and biased by racist prejudice than they should be. Sometimes deviance radars warn us that people are “dangerously different” when they really aren’t.
Traditionally, people have programmed their deviance radars to screen for race in the commonsensical fashion that Wade advocates. Wade argues that anyone with a pair of eyes can easily discern the racial distinctions between three (or five?) human races: Africans, East Asians, and Caucasians.
Such an arrangement, of portioning human variation into five continental races, is to some extent arbitrary. But it makes practical sense. The three major races are easy to recognize (Wade, 2014, p. 94, emphasis added).
However, scientists have concluded that traditional perceptions of race-based deviance are deeply flawed. Before the advent of modern genetics deviance radars assured their operators that Others were not only revoltingly different, but they were also inferior.
The central premise of racism… is the notion of an ordered hierarchy of races… Since quality is seen as biologically inherent, the racist’s higher status can never be challenged, and inferior races can never redeem themselves. The notion of inherent superiority… is held to justify unlimited abuse of races held to be inferior, from social discrimination to annihilation (Wade, 2014, p. 17).
Thanks to modern science we now know that Real Men are not as different from Others as racist deviance radars have indicated. Just as science has helped humanity see beyond the naïve misperceptions of geocentrism, the Flat Earth Society, and Newtonian physics, white supremacists need help from scientists to recalibrate their pigment-intolerant deviance radars: Pink is not better than brown. Nor is Wade correct in asserting that categorical racial distinctions are equally obvious to all observers.
To the uninitiated racist tensions between Turks and Armenians, Serbs and Croats, and Hutus and Tutsies are mystifying. To the untutored eye, the groups on each side of such “racial” divides appear physiologically-identical in all important respects (Dutton, 2007). However, for those who are sufficiently acculturated to the appropriate social cues, the slightest deviations from dominant ethnic norms can literally mean the difference between eager acceptance and genocidal extermination (Toal and Dahlman, 2011). While this emphasizes the trivialities that can often motivate atrocious racist hostilities, in the next section we will illustrate that even imagined differences can sometimes trigger appalling exhibitions of racism.
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