Nature vs. Nurture
As a species the most extraordinary quality that humans possess is agency. Agency, or free will, can be understood as a form of ingenuity that enables individuals to transcend otherwise deterministic social and environmental constraints (McGettigan, 2011, 2013). Most species are determined by the limitations of their genetics. A creature that happens to be marvelously adapted to a particular aquatic environment runs out of luck when its pond dries up. The same is not true for Homo sapiens.
Agency is a special, uniquely human intellectual capability that enables agents to defy the status quo. Because of this agentic intellectual agility humans are not entirely determined by either their biology or their environs. If human aspirations were strictly delimited by biology, then humans would never have walked on the moon (Chaikin, 2009) or, closer to home, Oscar Pistorius (2009), the prosthetically-enhanced South African track star, would never have qualified for the Olympics.
As an aside, we acknowledge the horrendous crime (Gottesdiener, 2013) of which Oscar Pistorius has been convicted. Quite apart from Pistorius’ criminal misdeeds his feats on the field of athletic competition remain the stuff of legend. When legless humans can literally compete on an equal footing with able-bodied Olympians, then it is evident that biology, in and of itself, does not determine the fate of any particular individual. For people who experience debilitating physical handicaps, such as Oscar Pistorius and, in the realm of science, Stephen Hawking (Ferguson, 2012), human achievement is a combined product of biology and agentic ingenuity.
If humans were truly determined by their biology, then few people would have heard of Oscar Pistorius, or Stephen Hawking, the path-breaking physicist who was silenced decades ago by Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis. However, because both men are agents they have been able to overcome otherwise catastrophic biological limitations and, each in his own field of endeavor, achieve at a higher level than the majority of their able-bodied peers. Franklin Delano Roosevelt provides another example of a physically-challenged agent who refused to allow his handicap to limit his political aspirations. Also, Frida Kahlo and Helen Keller had every right to be defined by their severe physiological impairments. However, both women treated their handicaps as motivators to inspire achievements that put the majority of their able-bodied contemporaries to shame.
Though people have long argued that humans are either a product of nature or nurture (Dowling, 2011), we will argue that the human experience is necessarily a dynamic combination of nature and nurture. If anyone is ever going to achieve a sensible resolution to the nature-nurture debate, they will have to acknowledge that each side of the debate describes something essential and non-reducible about high-achieving agents. Unquestionably, humans are biological creatures who are constructed from molecules that obey the laws of physics. However, humans are also much more than that.
Being endowed with advantageous biological characteristics does not guarantee that one will exhibit above-average athletic capabilities. In fact, the reverse can be true. Biologically-advantaged people can sometimes exhibit a paucity of athletic skill; greater than average height does not guarantee that one will also be an adept basketball player. Alternately, people with significant physiological disadvantages can sometimes achieve physical and intellectual feats that beggar belief. Again, Pistorius, Hawking, Kahlo, Keller and FDR provide compelling examples.
Biology alone does not determine success or failure for agents. Biology is merely a starting point. It is what agents decide to do with their biological advantages or disadvantages that ultimately distinguish average from extraordinary achievers.
North and South Koreans are probably very similar to one another genetically, yet North Koreans are poor while South Korea has developed a tiger economy that is post-Malthusian, modern and prosperous. The difference, evidently, lies not in the two countries’ genes or geography but in the fact that the same set of social behaviors can support either good or bad institutions (Wade, 2014, p. 179, emphasis added).
One could argue that if Napoleon had grown to an average height he might not have cultivated the legendary Napoleon Complex that drove him to build an empire (McLynn, 2002).
Real Genius
For agents, the true measure of excellence is “achievement that intentionally and ingeniously exceeds the records of one’s most accomplished predecessors.” Examples of such accomplishments include, among other things, setting athletic world records, intellectual breakthroughs that generate new scientific truths, and producing revolutionary artistic masterpieces. The most extraordinary achievers in any field of endeavor are the agents who commit themselves to the mastery of a particular avenue of pursuit—which can include practically any type of activity, including, science, sport, art, politics, technological invention, education, etc.—and, once having equaled the feats of past masters, true geniuses find some way to push the envelope of individual, agentic achievement even further (Merton, 1965).
In contrast with Shenk (2014), we argue that individual agents, not pairs, are the source of real genius. Individuals may derive certain forms of inspiration from working in pairs, but the creative process of redefining reality, or transcending previously-established limits of human achievement, is an intimately individual-level intellectual accomplishment (McGettigan, 1999, 2006, 2011, 2013).
Einstein (Isaacson, 2007) is rightfully considered a genius because, upon colliding with the venerable limitations of Newtonian physics, Einstein transcended those time-honored intellectual boundaries by inventing a new physics of relativity. In turn, Bohr, Heisenberg, Feynman, Gell-Mann and others earned their genius badges by transcending the limitations of Einsteinian physics and opening up the wonders of the quantum universe (Kumar, 2009). The most exceptional agents aren’t just smart; they are original thinkers and doers who intentionally transcend the established boundaries of human achievement.
Also, the most noteworthy achievers in a particular field of endeavor may not be renowned as “geniuses” per se. Nevertheless, the most successful agents tend to share a similar commitment to transcending previously unassailable thresholds to human achievement, such as running a sub-four minute mile, breaking gender and color barriers in various sports, revealing new scientific truths that inspire paradigm revolutions, climbing previously insurmountable mountains, demanding service at lunch counters even though one has the “wrong” skin color, or being the first member of a politically-marginalized minority to ascend to a paramount political office.
The Truth Behind the Lie
Contrary to the claims of neo-eugenicists—people who assert that humans can be defined and ranked according to various appealing or repugnant biological attributes (Agar, 2005; Kluchin, 2009; Wade, 2014)—we argue that most significant distinctions among humans are sociological. Inequality is a very real social phenomenon and racial inequality has been employed as a malevolent rationalization to perpetrate many of the worst crimes in history (Kühl, 1994). However, most forms of inequality are products of sociological misperceptions, ignorance and bloody-minded hatred (Hattery and Smith, 2012). A case in point is that most racial distinctions, while widely perceived as being biological in nature, are actually concatenations of ethnic and, thus, sociological differentiation.
To help illustrate the role that agentic innovation plays in cultivating human excellence we will draw upon the example of Serena and Venus Williams, arguably the two most dominating players in the history of women’s professional tennis. Like all agentic innovators the Williams sisters have not achieved success because of their biological superiority. The Williams sisters have succeeded in dominating women’s tennis by pursuing an innovative training regime that has equipped them with a better set of game-day skills than their rivals. Thus, the Williams sisters win because they are more ambitious agents than their opponents (Smith and Hattery, 2013).
Sociological Success Factors
Race is only a factor in human achievement insofar as racism creates a pervasive environment of sociological bias for members of privileged vs. despised castes (Hattery, Embrick, and Smith, 2008). For example, being born with richly-pigmented skin has never been a key ingredient for success in the world of professional tennis. Quite the reverse. Instead of being determined by skin pigment excellence is primarily a matter of agentic activation—or the extent to which an individual decides to exceed conventional expectations and, thereby, blaze an original path to unprecedented success. Separate from the issue of racism, the amount of success, notoriety and excellence that agents achieve is largely a function of the following six sociological success factors:
1. Preparation
2. Adversity
3. Innovation
4. Obstinacy
5. Serendipity
6. Notoriety
Sociological Success Factor 1: Preparation
To achieve excellence, agents must cultivate their potential through training. In spite of what neo-eugenicists, such as John Entine (2000) might say, conditioning makes a huge difference when it comes to winning. Those who are better prepared are more likely to achieve much sought-after goals. Whereas Michael Phelps was unbeatable at the 2008 Beijing Olympics (Goldish, 2009), when Phelps trained less intensively for the 2012 London Olympics he was not only beatable, but some of his performances were, by Olympic standards, downright mediocre.
Also, Herrnstein and Murray (1994) argue that the kind of “fast thinking” which is required by IQ tests demonstrates evidence of higher intelligence among whites than blacks. In reality, IQ tests are primarily a measure of acculturation, not intelligence, and genius is more a product of deliberate rather than fast thinking (Gleick, 1992). The most noteworthy geniuses in the history of science (Gribbin, 2002) have demonstrated a marked propensity to cogitate on mind-bending problems for years. Genius is, therefore, not a product of rapid thinking. Just ask any professor who has ever graded last-minute term papers. Genius is a product of slow, meticulous, aesthetically-demanding intellectual labor that paves the way to paradigm revolutions.
Sociological Success Factor 2: Adversity
Einstein’s famous quote says it all: “Great spirits have always encountered violent opposition from mediocre minds” (Einstein, et. al., 1995). As innovative, status-quo challengers, agents often encounter fierce opposition in pursuit of their goals. The relative excellence of an agent’s achievements often stands in stark contrast to the amount of adversity that an agent must overcome to arrive at sought-after outcomes. For example, most historians view Abe Lincoln as an epic overachiever (Goodwin, 2005). The fact that Lincoln needed to struggle mightily for every privilege that he earned, from a dirt-floor cabin to the Oval Office, equipped Lincoln with a greater capacity to fulfill his duties as US President than any other occupant of the office.
By contrast, George W. Bush, a career underachiever, breezed into the Oval office on the strength of advantageous family connections (Weisberg, 2008). The absence of adversity in Bush’s career is a likely explanation for his underwhelming performance as President.
Jackie Robinson’s achievements as a Brooklyn Dodger are all the more remarkable given the onerous racism that he confronted throughout his life (Smith, 2014). Every move that Robinson made throughout his historic career took place under the searing scrutiny of racist antipathy. For Robinson to be considered the equal of his white counterparts, he had to achieve at a much higher level as both an athlete and as a citizen. The fact that Robinson consistently outperformed his white peers and did so with uncommon grace is indicative of truly exceptional agentic excellence.
Sociological Success Factor 3: Innovation
High-achieving agents tend to overcome adversity and paradigm paralysis (McGettigan, 2013) by embracing innovative skill-development techniques. Rather than being a product of race, setting world records or surpassing other achievement thresholds is a product of individual talent combined with dauntless tenacity, aesthetic aspiration, and innovative, performance-enhancing training. Success often requires agents to blaze entirely new trails to much sought-after goals.
In addition, the first person to achieve a significantly sought-after goal usually garners the lion’s share of acclaim associated with that accomplishment. While many people recall that Roger Bannister was the first person to run a sub-four minute mile, hardly anyone remembers who ran the second. Bannister’s achievement remains memorable in spite of the fact that his racing time has been bested by many faster and arguably superior athletes in the decades since his breakthrough.
Edmund Hillary (Johnston, 2005) has also enjoyed a similarly enduring notoriety, even though one could argue that Hillary’s Sherpa guides were the superior mountaineers in his conquest of Mount Everest. This case also highlights the poisonous influence of racial bias: How many Sherpas have ever been knighted for climbing Mount Everest (Silverman, 2013)? The fascination associated with Hillary’s conquest of Mt. Everest derives from the fact that he was the first white guy to summit the world’s highest peak. The fact that Hillary’s usually-unnamed Sherpas actually worked harder to conquer Mount Everest is generally deemed unworthy of attention.
Much sought-after “firsts” also gobble up the lion’s share of attention outside the realm of athletics. Scientists who claim priority for major breakthroughs, such as the discovery of DNA, often garner more credit than they deserve for new discoveries. Watson and Crick’s uncredited usurpation of Rosalind Franklin’s pathbreaking insights is one of the more odious examples of intellectual piracy in the history of science (Maddox, 2002; Merton 1957; Watson and Stent, 1980).
Sociological Success Factor 4: Obstinacy
The single-minded pursuit of clearly-defined aesthetic goals often distinguishes average from legendary achievers. When asked how he managed to achieve so many more breakthroughs than his peers Sir Isaac Newton (Dolnick, 2011, p. 48) attributed his success to an uncommon capacity for perseverance. Apparently, Newton had an exceptional ability to train his mind on a problem and remain focused in spite of searing mental agonies until he cracked the problem. By his own admission, what distinguished Newton from his peers was a higher level of intellectual tenacity. Newton simply worked harder than his peers.
Sociological Success Factor 5: Serendipity
Serendipity means that the right talent needs to come along at the right time to achieve the most sought-after goal. Serendipity has been the decisive factor in endless tales of woe and triumph. How many great talents have fallen short of their astronomical potential because of an ill-timed injury, a psychological breakdown, a drug addiction or the loss of a loved one? By the same token how many less-than-stellar talents have, through a fortuitous convergence of circumstances, achieved more than they ever dreamed possible? The 1980 US Olympic Hockey team’s miracle on ice provides a shining example.
Entine (2000, 29) argues that Kenyan runners dominate the world of distance running not because of the extreme environmental and sociological conditions under which they train, but because they are biologically-superior to their competitors. This is akin to arguing that Silicon Valley is home to an abnormally high concentration of technology companies because the San Francisco Bay Area breeds biologically-superior IT geeks.
Why resort to vague, race-baiting biological criteria when serendipitous socio-environmental factors provide a more plausible explanation? It makes far more sense to argue that Silicon Valley cultivates greater-than-average success among IT entrepreneurs because, at present, Silicon Valley offers a greater abundance of the necessary social resources—such as education, competition, technology, experience, capital, motivation and inspiration—that are critical for breeding success. No doubt, the same is true for Kenyan runners and their training environment.
If, in the years ahead, the Chinese succeed in eclipsing Silicon Valley’s IT leadership, will it mean that the Chinese have suddenly developed better IT genes than Silicon Valley geeks? Or, will it mean that the Chinese have formulated a riper social environment for success? We daresay the second alternative is far more plausible than the first.
Sociological Success Factor 6: Notoriety
History-making achievers tend to be highly-motivated agents who also benefit from positive PR. How did the world’s greatest athletes make a living before professional athletics became a career choice? Most likely, they were farmers. Celebrity athletes are an invention of the mass media.
Although he is often perceived as a god among men, George Washington was nothing more than a high-achieving agent who distinguished himself at an opportune moment in US history and who has since benefited from almost uniformly positive PR. Had Washington been born at a different time it is doubtful that he would have stood out. Some might object to characterizing George Washington as being no better nor worse than any of his historical counterparts. We would respond by saying that George Washington was one of the principal founders of a radically democratic society. Given that, one would expect Washington to acknowledge that he made his mark on history by fighting for democracy. Nothing should make warriors for democracy prouder than declaring their categorical equality with every other human being.
We generally do not apply the term genius to individuals who may be graced with exceptional intellectual talent, but who employ their intellect in socially undesirable pursuits. Examples include Adolf Hitler, Joseph Stalin, and Osama bin Laden.
It is a truism that the winners write history. Had Hitler won WWII or had the Soviets won the Cold War subsequent histories would probably have taken a much different view of history’s most praiseworthy geniuses. Also, a praiseworthy genius in one culture can be viewed with deep disdain in another: we suspect the Japanese would be far less likely than Americans to characterize Manhattan Project scientists as praiseworthy geniuses.
Back to Nature vs. Nurture
In the following chapters we will propose an agentic solution to the nature vs. nurture debate (Ceci and Williams, 1999; Ridley, 2003). We argue that fundamental misperceptions about the concept of race (Graves, 2004; Spelsberg, 2011; Chase 1980) have produced excessive confusion about the fount of human excellence (Gould, 1997). Nature-dominant perspectives have erroneously asserted that achievement varies among human groups largely as a result of race-based genetic distinctions. While nature-dominant advocates have often asserted that various racial groups are endowed with differing biologically-determined aptitudes, no one has ever succeeded in:
Specifying coherent racial groups. Racial demarcations invariably circumscribe groups of people who share more inter-group than within-group commonalities. For example, Wade (2014) argues that there are “three major races”:
The three principal races are Africans (those who live south of the Sahara), East Asians (Chinese, Japanese and Koreans) and Caucasians (Europeans and the peoples of the Near East and the Indian subcontinent) (2014, p., 4)
Wade’s racial groups contain so much internal diversity that they hardly make sense: Would Queen Elizabeth believe that she was a member of the same “race” as her Gurkha soldiers? Hardly.
Wade (2014) has run afoul of the very same problem that bedevils everyone else who tries to impose arbitrary racial boundaries on the global complex of ethnic diversity. The members of any particular racial group, no matter how well or ill-defined, tend to have more biological commonalities with the members of other racial groups than they do with their presumptive racial kin (Lewontin, 1973). Racial designations speak volumes about the racist peccadilloes of their creators, and reveal almost nothing about the biology of their members.
Identifying an objective ranking system. Evolution does not judge. People do. Humans like to think that they are better than other life forms, but from an objective biological perspective we aren't. Evolutionarily-speaking, humans are not better than jellyfish, glow worms or tree fungus. We’re just different. There is more than one way to perpetuate life or DNA on earth. Vive la différence.
The same is true of human sub-groups. People have a passion for making invidious comparisons: pink is better than brown. But that's racism, not science. If pink and brown exist then, so far as nature is concerned, they are equally marvelous.
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